The professionalization of Airbnb in Madrid: far from a collaborative economy
Javier Gil, Jorge Sequera · 2020 · Current Issues in Tourism · Published online 7 May 2020 (file name suggests the 2022 print issue)· doi:10.1080/13683500.2020.1757628
InsideAirbnb data for Madrid show a supply dominated by entire apartments, 'commercial' (high-availability) listings and multi-listing hosts, concentrated in the Central District — i.e. professionalised 'airbnbisation' rather than a sharing economy.
Thesis (C1) Airbnb in Madrid is dominated by professional actors specialised in renting entire apartments as short-term rentals, mainly in the Central District, whose activity does not comply with sharing-economy principles. adequate
The cross-sectional picture of professionalised, centrally concentrated Airbnb supply in Madrid is robust: nearly every reported share reconciles with the others. Weaknesses are the retrospective growth series (survivorship and back-dating bias), the blanket equation of multi-listing with professional non-resident hosting, an arithmetic slip ('nearly 10 points'), and an impact claim in the abstract that the paper itself concedes has not been studied.
Claims (13)
351211
Issues (6)
132
Numeric checks (7)
61
Summary
Opening with 'Claudia' — the pseudonym of Friendly Rentals (Wyndham) with 211 Madrid listings — the paper argues that Madrid's city centre undergoes 'airbnbisation' driven by professional short-term-rental operators. Using one InsideAirbnb scrape (18,332 active listings; date not stated) it analyses spatial distribution, accommodation type, p2p vs commercial listings (183-day availability rule), multi-listing hosts and listing accumulation, plus a reconstructed growth series based on host registration dates and a comparison with April 2017 data. The Central District holds 47.78% of listings; entire apartments are 63% citywide and 76.3% in the centre; commercial listings 75.7% (80.07% centre); multi-listing hosts control 59.8% of listings (68.85% centre); hosts with 6+ listings (4.3% of hosts) control 32.1% of listings, and their share grew since 2017. The paper concludes the model resembles traditional accommodation, harms the city's economic sustainability, and recommends banning commercial listings plus a territorial cap.
Research questions
Is Madrid's Airbnb supply dominated by entire apartments, commercial listings and multi-listing hosts?
Is the supply disproportionately concentrated in the Central District, with over-representation of professional listings there?
Has Airbnb's growth reduced or reinforced professionalisation?
Stated contribution
An in-depth temporal and territorial examination of professionalisation, concentration and 'monopolisation' of Airbnb in Madrid.
How the argument is built
Sharing-economy principle (idle capacity) → Airbnb's self-narrative ('Belong Anywhere') → literature on touristification and rent gaps → five indicators → results by district and over time → principles under which sharing-economy benefits could materialise → policy recommendation.
Argument map
Claims (boxes) coloured by how well the paper supports them; concepts as ellipses. Arrows point from premise to what it supports.
Thick black border = thesis; blue border = conclusion/recommendation. Click a node to jump to it. Layout engine: graphviz.
Airbnb in Madrid is dominated by professional actors specialised in renting entire apartments as short-term rentals, mainly in the Central District, whose activity does not comply with sharing-economy principles.
Assessment: The cross-sectional indicators are internally consistent (district-weighted shares reconcile to city totals within rounding) and jointly support professional dominance of the listing stock. 'Dominated' rests on listing shares; 'professional' rests on proxies (availability, multi-listing) that are imperfect but convergent.
Supply is over-concentrated in the Central District (47.78% of listings; over 50% in prior years), a district with ~5% of population and <1% of the city's territory.
Assessment: Count and share reconcile (8,759/18,332 = 47.78%). Note the conclusion says 'over 50% ... has been concentrated' while the current figure is below 50%.
Commercial listings are 75.7% of supply and 80.07% in the Central District, 'nearly 10 points greater than the Madrid average'.
Assessment: Shares reconcile (weighted 75.67%). The '10 points' statement is wrong: the gap to the city average is 4.4 points (8.4 points to the rest of the city). The commercial classification inherits the limits of the availability proxy.
Multi-listing hosts control 59.8% of listings (68.85% in the centre); fewer than 5% of hosts (6+ listings) control over 30% of listings; 65 hosts control 2,753 listings.
Assessment: Band shares sum to 100%, 2,753/18,332 = 15.02%, and district-by-band shares reproduce the 47.78% and 68.85% totals exactly — strong internal consistency.
Professionalisation is increasing over time: since April 2017 hosts with 6-20 and >20 listings gained 2.92 and 6.61 points of market share while single-listing hosts lost 4.84 points.
Assessment: The reported relative changes are arithmetically consistent with the point changes (e.g. 6.61/8.41 = 78.6%). Comparability of the two scrapes (filters, active-listing definition) is assumed rather than documented; 'growth' refers to growth in share, not listings.
Sharing-economy benefits can only materialise if supply is based on locals hosting in their own home, in private/shared rooms, and evenly distributed; concentrated supply makes the claimed benefits 'impossible'.
Assessment: A reasonable set of criteria derived from the idle-capacity definition, but stated as necessary conditions without argument (e.g. why an entire home rented while the resident travels would not qualify; why concentration makes benefits 'impossible' rather than smaller).
No evidence cited in the paper for this claim.
C10unsupportedconclusionempirical causalnon trivialp. 1 (abstract), p. 3
This model generates negative impacts on the economic sustainability of the city and its inhabitants.
Assessment: No outcome data on rents, housing supply, displacement or local economy are analysed. The conclusion itself says a study of these impacts 'would be necessary', contradicting the abstract's assertion.
All multi-listing hosts are professionals not hosting in their own residence, who have probably extracted their units from the residential market.
“in all cases their activity represents professionalized hosts, since they are not carrying out the activity in their own residence”
Assessment: Stipulated rather than shown, and contradicted by the paper's own data: 44.5% of listings of hosts with 2-5 listings are private rooms, many of which may be rooms in the host's own home. 'Probably extracted from the residential market' rests on other cities' literature.
Entire apartments make up 63% of supply, 76.3% in the Central District vs 51% elsewhere, indicating specialisation of the centre in entire-apartment rentals.
Assessment: District figures reconcile with the city total (0.478 x 76.3 + 0.522 x 51 = 63.1).
Airbnb's growth has not reduced — and has reproduced — the over-representation of entire apartments, commercial listings and multi-listing hosts in the Central District.
Assessment: Based on a retrospective series built from host registration dates of listings still active at scrape time, classified with current attributes. Survivorship (exited listings, likely disproportionately occasional p2p ones, are missing) and back-dating (a host's later listings are assigned to the host's sign-up year) bias the historical composition. Only the 2017 comparison (C7) is a genuine two-point measurement.
Large professional hosts specialise in the Central District and in entire apartments.
Assessment: 64.5% and 58.4% of 6-20 and >20 band listings are central vs 37.1% for single hosts; entire-apartment share 71-76% vs 56-60%. The relationship is not monotonic (>20 less central than 6-20; 2-5 fewer entire apartments than singles), which the text glosses over.
STRs yield higher rents than long-term letting, so dwellings are extracted from the residential market, raising rents and displacing tenants (literature premise).
Assessment: Well-established in the cited literature; used as a premise, not tested here.
Quantitative. Descriptive cross-sectional analysis of one InsideAirbnb snapshot with a retrospective growth reconstruction and a comparison with an April 2017 snapshot from earlier work.
Scope: Madrid, 2010s to c. 2019.
Methods
Shares by district, accommodation type, p2p/commercial rule, host listing-count band
Retrospective growth series using host registration date
Comparison of market shares with April 2017
Transparency notes
Scrape date is never stated; no table of counts by band (only shares and graphs); growth method is described and its survivorship limitation footnoted.
Limitations acknowledged by the authors
Growth series counts only listings active at scrape time and uses host registration date (fn. 4).
p2p rule is described as the most lenient possible.
Data sources
ID
Source
Type
Description
Coverage
Loc.
D1
InsideAirbnb Madrid
scraped platform data
18,332 active listings at the time of collection (scrape date not reported; context implies 2019).
City of Madrid, 21 districts collapsed to Central vs rest.
pp. 5-6
D2
Gil & Sequera (2018) April 2017 data
secondary literature
Earlier listing-accumulation shares used for the 2017-2019 comparison.
p. 13
D3
Press and company sources
media
El País (housing-stock ratio in the Central District), Airbnb press material, Wyndham website.
pp. 3-4, 7
Evidence items (10)
ID
Kind
Description
Loc.
Source
Used by
E1
statistic
18,332 active listings; Central District 8,759 (47.78%); >50% in the centre in previous years; Central District listings equal 8.77-22.5% of housing stock (El País).
Transformation of residential housing units into Airbnb listings.
borrowed
Yrigoy (2017)
K2
Sharing-economy principle (idle capacity)
p. 2
A resource qualifies for the sharing economy only if temporarily disused; all positive impacts derive from this.
borrowed
Benkler; Botsman & Rogers; Frenken et al.; et al.
K3
Commercial vs p2p listing
p. 6
Available > 182 days/year = commercial; < 183 = p2p.
operational
Same rule as Gil (2021); calendar availability is a noisy proxy for non-residential use.
K4
Professionalisation
pp. 4-6
Operationalised via entire-apartment share, commercial share and listing accumulation by multi-listing hosts.
operational
Issues (6)
I6majorinternal inconsistencyImpact claim in abstract contradicted by conclusionp. 1; p. 16
The abstract concludes the model 'generates negative impacts on the economic sustainability of the city and its inhabitants', but no impact is measured and the conclusion states that a study of impacts on rents, supply and displacement 'would be necessary'.
Impact on conclusions: The impact conclusion should be treated as a hypothesis.
Same 182-day calendar-availability rule as in Gil (2021): booked nights are not 'available', calendar defaults vary, so the rule is a noisy proxy for residential use. No sensitivity analysis.
Impact on conclusions: Magnitude uncertain; the citywide direction is plausible.
I3moderateconceptualMulti-listing ≠ professional / non-resident in all casespp. 6, 13
The paper asserts that all multi-listing hosts are professionals not hosting in their own residence, yet 44.5% of listings in the 2-5 band are private rooms. Hosts with several rooms in their own home would be misclassified.
Impact on conclusions: Concentration findings stand; 'professional' label overstated for the 2-5 band.
I4moderatemeasurementRetrospective growth series biasedp. 5, fn. 4; p. 13
Growth is reconstructed from host registration dates for listings active at scrape time (acknowledged in fn. 4). This omits exited listings and back-dates listings added later by long-standing hosts, and it classifies past listings using current availability. The 2017-vs-now comparison relies on an earlier paper's scrape whose comparability is not documented.
Impact on conclusions: Temporal claims are weaker than the cross-sectional ones.
I5minortransparencyScrape date not reported; '>50%' in conclusionpp. 7, 13
The date of the main dataset is never given. The conclusion says over 50% of supply 'has been' in the Central District, while the current figure is 47.78%.
Scope internal = numbers printed in the document; cross paper = other corpus documents; external / replication = outside sources or re-analysis of original data (web mode only).
Evaluation frame: Descriptive quantitative analysis of scraped platform data. Judged on reconciliation of reported figures, validity of proxies for 'professional' and 'commercial', soundness of the temporal reconstruction, and whether impact conclusions are matched by impact evidence.
Dimension
Score
Rationale
conceptual clarity
4
Clear operational definitions tied to an explicit sharing-economy benchmark.
logical coherence
3
Cross-sectional argument is tight; the abstract's impact conclusion contradicts the conclusion's call for future impact studies.
evidential support
4
Cross-sectional indicators are numerous and internally consistent; temporal and impact claims are weaker.
methodological rigor
3
Standard InsideAirbnb approach; retrospective growth method is biased; no sensitivity checks.
transparency
3
Methods described and a limitation footnoted, but the scrape date and underlying counts by band are missing.
proportionality
3
Main conclusion proportionate; the 'negative impacts' and 'monopolization' language overreach.
Strengths
Exceptional internal numerical consistency across districts and host bands.
Clear, reusable indicator framework.
Genuine two-point comparison with April 2017 data.
Acknowledges survivorship limitation of the growth series.
Weaknesses
Scrape date missing.
Growth series methodologically weak.
'Professional' label applied to all multi-listing hosts.
Impact on city sustainability asserted but not studied.
State scrape date and filtering; publish band counts.
Use consecutive scrapes rather than registration dates for growth.
Split 2-5 band by room type to isolate home-sharing multi-room hosts.
Drop or qualify the impact claim in the abstract.
Links to the rest of the corpus
X5method driftmoderateShifting thresholds for 'commercial' / 'non-residential' listings
Availability >182 days defines commercial listings in Gil (2021) and Gil & Sequera (2020); Gil (2021) also uses >90 days to argue non-residence; Gil (2023) uses >60 days to estimate homes 'extracted from the rental market' and displacement.
Implication: Lower thresholds mechanically raise displacement estimates; sensitivity analysis is never reported.
Gil (2019): Distinction between peer-to-peer hosts and professional multi-listing hosts. robust
Provenance
Analyst: Claude (Anthropic), LLM-generated audit · 2026-11-08 · access: document only · text: text/gil_2022_airbnb_madrid.txt · schema v1.1
No external sources were consulted (offline run). Figures are assumed to be correctly reported; claims[].external, citation checks and external/replication checks were not performed.
PDF page 1 is the publisher cover page; article page n = PDF page n+1.